Just War - Or A Just War?
Some thoughts on Christians and the Iraq war
by James Patton

Foreword:
The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate that the recent war in
Iraq clearly does not meet the criteria for a “just war” in the Christian tradition, and to briefly suggest alternatives to war that the church could support.
Please note that the original idea for this essay came from an article written by Jimmy Carter in March 2003 for the New York Times. Jimmy Carter is a Christian, 39th president of the United States, chairman of the Carter Centre in Atlanta, and a 2002 Nobel Peace prize winner.

War and the Christian

The Christian Call to Love


War is a very difficult issue for Christians, because throughout the New Testament all Christians are called to love, gentleness, patience, purity, kindness, goodness, forgiveness, humility, self-control, service and mercy. Nothing should be done through strife or vainglory; but in lowliness of mind each should esteem others better than themselves.

Below are some teachings from the Old Testament that the one who claims to follow Jesus Christ should consider seriously.

Thus has the LORD of hosts said, "These are the things you should do: Speak truth to one another; Dispense true justice - judge with truth & judgement for peace in your courts; practice kindness & compassion each to his brother; & walk humbly with your God.

Do not oppress the widow or the poor; Do not love perjury; Do not deprive the alien or the fatherless of justice... the stranger/alien (refugee) who sojourns among you shall be to you as a native, and you shall love him as yourself (remember that you were slaves in Egypt and the Lord your God redeemed you from there. That is why I command you to do this), and let none of you devise evil in your hearts against one another; for all those are what I hate", declares the LORD.

For He has told you, O man, what is good; and what does the LORD require of you but to do justice, to love kindness, & to walk humbly with your God?
(Adapted from Zech 7:9-10 &
8:16-17, Deut 24:17-18, Lev 19:34 & Micah 6:8)

Christians are called never to render evil for evil and never to lord it over one another, but to be generous, peaceable, gentle, reasonable, non-judgemental, overcoming evil with good and returning blessing for cursing. Like our Lord who washed His disciples feet, the one who would be leader should be the servant of all. If our enemies are hungry, we are called to show them compassion and feed them, or if they are thirsty, we are called to give them something to drink. We are called to love our neighbours as ourselves – and to bear in mind that love never does harm or wrong to a neighbour. Christians are called to take up our cross and follow in the steps of our Lord.

So in light of all this, is there ever a case where Christians should participate in or support the ultimate horror that human beings can inflict upon one other - the horror known as “war”?

For the first three centuries after Christ, the church by and large rejected war. During this period the church consisted largely of persecuted men and women, often slaves or other non-citizens, and running the state or exercising political power was not an issue that the church had to deal with. It wasn’t until the fourth century, after the conversion of the Roman Emperor Constantine and the adoption of Christianity as the official state religion, that Christian theologians began to seriously wrestle with the problem of when Christians could or should go to war.

The result of this struggle was that over the centuries a number of (mostly Roman Catholic) theologians developed a set of criteria that defined when a war could be deemed “just”, and therefore Christians would be justified to participate in such a war.

The Christian “Just War” Tradition

The Christian “just war” tradition argues that, sadly, in a fallen world, sometimes force must be used to restrain evil and bring about justice. War is always immoral, but it is argued that sometimes it is better that a less immoral force should oppose a more immoral force rather than allow evil to reign unchecked.

A “just war” should never be waged for money or selfish motives, for exploitation, for reasons of pride or prejudice or revenge, or merely for control of economic resources (such as oil or land), or any other impure or base motive. A “just war” should only be waged as a last resort to restrain evil and bring about a more just, peaceful and righteous world.

It should always be remembered that whilst most Christians sit in the safety of their comfortable church pews singing pious songs and debating the merits of a “just war”, many war veterans are among the strongest opponents of war, because they have been there and experienced the horrors of war face to face. When historian and war veteran Howard Zinn was asked his reactions to Bush’s declaration of war on
Iraq, his response was “feelings of dread, shame, disgust. These are not mild reactions, right? But they are strong reactions befitting war because war is the ultimate of the horrors that human beings inflict on each other.”
It should also be remembered that drug addiction, rape, prostitution, killing of children and civilians, lies, suicide, domestic violence, divorce, anger, guilt, hatred, intense grief, adverse health effects caused by toxins such as DDT or radiation poisoning etc. will always inevitably accompany the horror of war.
War is the ultimate horror that human beings can inflict upon each other.

During war children get their limbs and faces torn off, parents watch their children’s heads being blown off, injured people with blood sloshing in their shoes carry severed limbs down the blood smeared corridors of hospitals worked beyond capacity, men bury their entire families. And with modern weapons, the horrors of war often continue for many decades after the conflict has ended. Just ask any amputee who had the misfortune to step on a landmine, or any father whose child innocently played with unexploded ordinance, or any person who got terribly sick after drinking polluted water because the water purification facility was destroyed, or any mother who gave birth to a severely deformed baby due to exposure to toxic chemical and radiation poisoning. In the aftermath of war, many war veterans suffer Post Traumatic Stress and turn to suicide, violence or drugs in an attempt to deal with their extraordinary grief.

War causes terrible suffering and therefore is certainly not something that Christians devoted to love, compassion, forgiveness, mercy, gentleness and kindness should ever endorse lightly or glibly.
So again I ask, in light of all this, is there ever a case where Christians should participate in the ultimate horror that human beings can inflict upon one other - the horror known as “war”?

Iraq and Christian “Just War” Theory

For the sake of argument, let us assume that there are occasions where, sadly, evil is rampaging through the world unchecked, and the only choice is to surrender to this evil or to go to war. For example, President Bush has said that
America’s “responsibility to history is clear: … to rid the world of evil.'' Let us assume that in these circumstances that the most loving option for even the most sincere and compassionate Christian is to go to war to help “rid the world of evil” and bring about a more just and righteous world order.

Furthermore let us make the fundamental assumption that the
United States has the divine right and obligation to intervene in the Third World in any way it ultimately deems necessary, including military, to eliminate evil from the world.

Now, having made these assumptions, we will examine whether the substantially unilateral
U.S. invasion of Iraq met the criteria to qualify it as a “just war” in the Christian just war tradition.

Nobel Peace Prize winner and 39th
U.S. president Jimmy Carter wrote: “As a Christian and as a president who was severely provoked by international crises, I became thoroughly familiar with the principles of a just war, and it is clear that a substantially unilateral attack on Iraq does not meet these standards. This is an almost universal conviction of religious leaders, with the most notable exception of a few spokesmen of the Southern Baptist Convention who are greatly influenced by their commitment to Israel based on eschatological, or final days, theology.

“For a war to be just, it must meet several clearly defined criteria. “

The attackers must have legitimate authority sanctioned by the society they profess to represent (i.e. war is not declared or waged by private citizens or by pirates or other usurpers).
In the international arena, when a decision is made to invade a sovereign nation, the legitimate authority is the United Nations Security Council.

The unanimous vote of approval in the Security Council to eliminate
Iraq's weapons of mass destruction by continuing the UNSCOM inspections regime was not honoured. America’s announced goals changed from the elimination of WMD to regime change to Iraqi liberation and to establish a Pax Americana in the oil rich Middle East, perhaps occupying ethnically divided Iraq for as long as a decade. For these objectives, the U.S. does not have international authority. Other members of the Security Council resisted the enormous economic and political influence that was exerted from Washington, and the U.S. failed to get the necessary votes from Russia, France and China. Even Turkey, although Washington tried hard to entice them into supporting the war by enormous financial rewards and partial future control of the Kurds and oil in northern Iraq, still used its democratic voice to oppose the war and add to the worldwide expressions of concern.

We conclude that the legitimate authority for invading
Iraq was lacking.

The war can be waged only as a last resort, with all non-violent options exhausted.

In the case of
Iraq, it is obvious that clear alternatives to war existed. These options -- previously proposed by U.S. leaders and approved by the United Nations – were clearly outlined by the Security Council.
But despite the fact that U.S. national security was not directly threatened and despite the overwhelming opposition of most people and governments around the world, the United States was determined to carry out unilateral military and diplomatic action that is almost unprecedented in the history of civilized nations. The
U.S. launched thousands of bombs and missiles on a relatively defenceless Iraqi population within the first few days of an invasion, with the purpose of so damaging and demoralizing the people that they would change their obnoxious leader, who was most likely hidden and safe during the bombardment.

Saddam Hussein’s regime was co-operating with the weapons inspectors – clearly the “last resort” criteria was not met.

The war's weapons must discriminate between combatants and non-combatants.

The extensive aerial bombardment, even with precise accuracy, inevitably resulted in "collateral damage." 20,000 smart bombs, and 10,000 old-style “dumb bombs”, were dropped on
Iraq, killing thousands of civilians and combatants alike. Even before the war, Gen. Tommy R. Franks, commander of American forces in the Persian Gulf, expressed concern about many of the military targets being near hospitals, schools, mosques and private homes.

The problem of Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) is acute in
Iraq. ERW describes a wide range of explosive munitions remaining in an area after the end of a conflict, including everything from artillery shells, grenades, mortar and cluster bombs to rockets and missiles. These pose a deadly threat to the population. Since the end of the conflict in Iraq dozens of victims have been reported in southern Iraq alone.

Johan Solhberg, the ICRC's regional ERW adviser and a veteran of many conflict areas, considers the situation in Iraq the worst he has ever encountered: "Piles of ammunition, mines, small arms and weapons are littering the country. Most of them are in industrial areas but they can also be found in playgrounds, schools, construction sites and garbage heaps along the road.

"They constitute a permanent threat to the population, especially children, who are unaware of the danger: they continuously come into contact with them, play with them and risk getting maimed or killed," says Sohlberg.
It is estimated that between 2,000 and 17,000 deadly cluster bomblets litter
Iraq, posing a deadly hazard to civilians, particularly children.

In addition to this,
Iraq has had hundreds of tonnes of depleted uranium dumped on it during the last 13 years of conflict. Depleted Uranium (U-238 or DU) is the waste product after the uranium enrichment process, and is both radioactive and a chemically toxic heavy metal. The side effects of exposure to the radiation from DU munitions, to both combatants and civilians, include cancers, respiratory problems, joint and muscle pains, rashes, neurological problems, fibromyalgia, cataracts, bowel, lung and kidney damage, changes in the RNA in DNA, causing genetic birth defects, and the whole host of things associated with heavy metal toxicity and radiological exposures.

The half-life of DU is 4.5 billion years, and it is impossible to clean up all of the contamination, or to treat all of the victims. DU will go on causing slow and painful deaths and contaminating the soil, air and water for many generations to come.

These weapons have no ability whatsoever to discriminate between combatants and non-combatants, and their use is a war crime.

Its violence must be proportional to the injury we have suffered.

Despite Saddam Hussein's other serious crimes (many of which were committed with American aid and complicity), American efforts to tie
Iraq to Al-Qaeda or the 9/11 terrorist attacks have been unconvincing.
In any case, the 9/11 attacks killed about 3,000 people. In contrast it is estimated that
America has killed over 6,000 civilians in Iraq and thousands more combatants who were defending their country. That is on top of the over 10,000 tons of bombs dropped on Afghanistan, one of the poorest countries on earth, killing thousands of people there. In addition, there is a silent genocide being caused by ERW and deadly depleted uranium, ruining thousands more lives.

However tyrannical Saddam Hussein was, and he was tyrannical,
Iraq did not do anything to start this war. Iraq did not invade anybody, did not threaten anybody, was not about to invade anybody, was not about to threaten anybody. There is no proof Iraq was involved with Al-Qaeda or 9/11.

The attack on
Iraq by Howard, Bush and Blair was simply an unprovoked, unjustified, illegal act of aggression out of all proportion to any offence Iraq had committed.

It must be waged for a Just cause (i.e. self-defense or to redress some grievous injury to a nation-state)
The U.S., Australia and Britain claimed unequivocally that they possessed high-grade intelligence that proved beyond doubt that Iraq possessed vast stockpiles of Weapons of Mass Destruction that posed a major threat to the security of the world. These claims have been proven to be bare faced lies.

500 tons of mustard gas and nerve gas, 25,000 litres of anthrax, 38,000 litres of botulinum toxin, 29,984 prohibited munitions capable of delivering chemical agents within 45 minutes, several dozen Scud missiles, gas centrifuges to enrich uranium, yellow-cake uranium purchased from Niger, 18 mobile biological warfare factories, long-range unmanned aerial vehicles to dispense anthrax, and proof of close ties with Al Qaeda. Those are the things that President Bush or his aides, and Prime Ministers Howard and Blair, suggested
Iraq might have.

Three months after the war, with hundreds of suspected weapons sites inspected by
U.S. weapons inspectors with free reign of the country, top Iraqi scientists in custody, and huge rewards for any information leading to the discovery of weapons of mass destruction, what has been found? Three trailers, probably used for production of hydrogen for hydrogen balloons – a technology sold to Iraq by the British, and a handful of parts buried under a rose bush – probably from a nuclear weapons program that was disbanded years ago.
Iraq did not use any chemical or biological weapons when it was attacked. Blair cited a suspect intelligence dossier, now widely known as the “dodgy dossier”. Crudely forged documents that were widely known to be forgeries were quoted by Bush, Blair and Howard as damning evidence. The UNSCOM weapons inspection team has not made a find of any significance since 1994. There is strong evidence that the seed stocks for Iraq’s chemical and biological weapons programs (probably ended many years ago and now just useless mush) were sold to Iraq by Western countries including America.

Members of the intelligence and political communities resigned before the war in protest, and members of the UNSCOM weapons inspection teams were and remain sceptical about
U.S. claims. Many people are now claiming that the world was misled and subjected to spin, exaggeration and barefaced lies about the whole WMD issue and the supposed imminent threat that they posed.

Paul Wolfowitz, a leading neo-conservative chicken-hawk who has never experienced the horrors of war, told Vanity Fair magazine, 'For bureaucratic reasons we settled on one issue, weapons of mass destruction, because it was the one reason everyone could agree on'.

If
America had a just cause to wage war, destroy Iraq’s infrastructure, poison its land, water and air, and kill thousands of Iraqis in a unilateral invasion, then clearly the supposed threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction was not it.

We conclude that if a just cause existed to provoke this war, then WMD was not it. I suggest there were other agendas driving this invasion, including oil, power, U.S. hegemony, psychology, revenge and money – none of which are valid reasons for waging war in the Christian just war tradition.

The peace it establishes must be a clear improvement over what exists.

Although some had visions of peace and democracy in
Iraq in the aftermath of a military invasion, this has failed to materialise. Possibly this invasion will yet destabilize the region so much that terrorists will be encouraged to further jeopardize the West’s security at home. Possibly in the chaos of war terrorists managed to seize any chemical or biological weapons they could get hold of, thus exacerbating the very problem the war was supposedly designed to stop. Perhaps a civil war will erupt. Also, by defying overwhelming world opposition, the United States has undermined its own credibility and the credibility of the United Nations as a viable institution for world peace.

Author William Blum writes:
Can Iraq expect "liberation" and a markedly improved life after the Empire takes over? Let's look at the results of the Empire's recent onslaught and occupation of
Afghanistan.
1) warlords are active again
2) opium cultivation is once again booming
3) a man hand-picked by Washington is president; both the president and several of his ministers are actually Afghan-Americans
4) countless homes and other buildings have been destroyed by US bombing
5) thousands of innocent civilians have been killed as well as thousands of others engaged in combat who were only defending the country they lived in from a foreign invasion; not one of the many dead has been shown to have had any connection to the September 11 attack; most of the so-called "terrorists" at the training camps had come to Afghanistan to aid the Taliban in their civil war, a religious mission, none of Washington's concern
6) crime and violence are once again a danger in the cities' neighborhoods, which had been made safer by the Taliban
7) the country is occupied by foreign troops who often treat the population badly; US forces seize Afghans and take them away without explanation and keep them incommunicado indefinitely; some are sent to the 21st century's Devils Island in Guantanamo Base, Cuba
8) in Kabul, the number of children suffering from malnutrition is almost double what it was before the American invasion
9) the quality of women's lives has very slightly improved, but is still far below what women enjoyed under the government the United States overthrew in the 1980-1990s

It is unrealistic to expect the United States will do any better for Iraq.

As for the Iraqi people, they suffer from the same heat, the same aggravating lack of reliable services as they did before the invasion, but they also suffer from having no jobs and, for many, no future prospects. Their infrastructure is in lousy shape. Their schools and hospitals are in lousy shape. They are living under foreign occupation. They have no idea when or if they will get to govern themselves. Basic services such as electricity and water are still unreliable. Their streets are no longer safe.

American troops' inability to secure the oil and energy infrastructure in
Iraq has left oil pipelines and electricity facilities vulnerable to sabotage, and guerrilla attacks are killing soldiers on an almost daily basis. Oil revenues are severely curtailed. With the aggravation of ethnic divides between Kurds, Shi’ites and Sunnis that the war has brought, the situation in Iraq could escalate to civil war.

In contrast, Saddam Hussein — despite the fact he was a tyrant and a despot, and despite the terrible U.N. sanctions — fed the people; his regime kept the electricity and the telephones operative; they provided security for the people; and they had a communications system. Saddam was a ruthless dictator, but as long as the average Iraqi didn’t interfere in politics, he would be free to go about his own lawful business, to practice the religion of his choice and to own a gun.

The unfortunate truth is that since occupying
Baghdad the Americans have done a worse job in all of those areas than Saddam. U.S. ineptness is in danger of "rehabilitating" Saddam in the eyes of many Iraqis. The U.S. is proving to be worse at governing than he was, and if the U.S. continues to show too much brutality in putting down resistance, they will even erode any moral advantage.

One may also argue that the terrorist threat is now multiplied as a result of this war.

In light of all this, I argue that the peace the “liberation” has established is in many ways inferior to the tyranny that existed pre-invasion.

In summary, despite what Bush, Blair or Howard may say, it is clear that the invasion of Iraq dismally fails to meet the “Christian” standard for a “just war”.
The war did not have legitimate authority, it was not waged as a last resort, the weapons were a war crime, the violence was way out of proportion, the cause was a lie, and the ensuing occupation has not made the world a more peaceful place – rather it has made the world more violent and less safe.

So what have we achieved?

Bush may boast that we have "liberated" the Iraqis, but we haven't truly set them free.

We may have taught them how to shout in anger and topple statues, but we haven't taught them how to forgive.

We may have taught them that overwhelmingly superior military force wins wars and topples dictators, but we haven't taught them how to be merciful.

We may have armed the Kurds and the Shi'ites against their enemies, perhaps provoking a civil war, but we haven't taught them how to love their enemies.

We may be bringing them "democracy" and "free enterprise", but we haven't taught them how to love their neighbour and live in peace and harmony.

We really haven't taught the people of Iraq any lessons of any lasting moral or spiritual value at all. And that's sad, seeing as we class ourselves as "Christian" nations. Maybe the West should take a long hard look at its own declining moral and spiritual condition before it is so eager to export its version of "democracy" to other "rogue states". As Jesus taught, before we try to take the splinter out of our brother’s eye, we should first remove the log from our own.

In short, we have taught Iraqis that Christianity is about war and mass violence, but we have failed to empty ourselves of all our pride and vain conceit and show them the simple humility of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

We've already had the "wars to end all wars", and they've engendered nothing but more wars. Surely it's time we tried something new?


Thinking Outside the Bomb – The Church and War

This is my conviction – let the church be the church. Political power plays and intrigues, pride and revenge, control of oil and war profiteering, are not the business of those who claim to follow the Lord Jesus Christ.

Rather than supporting a doctrine of never-ending “pre-emptive” wars supposedly to end terror and tyranny, the church should reject all evil, and instead make a radical call to love, gentleness, purity, kindness, goodness, forgiveness, humility and mercy, all stripped of any selfishness or vain conceit.

War is not the only solution to the world’s dilemmas, and is rarely, if ever, the best option. There are non-violent models for revolutionary change that have been used.

Apart from Ghandi in India and Martin Luther King in America, there are other positive examples.

In December 1989, a popular people's uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest
and execution of the corrupt and repressive Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceausescu and his
wife, Elena.

Similarly Ferdinand Marcos was ousted from the Philippines in the mid-1980s and General
Suharto in
Indonesia was overthrown without bombing. The Berlin Wall came down without war. Nelson Mandela's example of long-suffering patience and fortitude helped avert a bloody civil war in South Africa when the oppressive apartheid regime was ended without war.

What the stories of these revolutions demonstrate is the power people can have when they withdraw consent.

The church should study these positive examples and seek to find creative, non-violent strategies of opposing tyranny and oppression wherever it may occur. By this we may demonstrate the presence and love of the Lord we profess in very real and tangible ways, and we may participate in the faith and perseverance of the saints.
John, a U.S. marine and peacemaker who opposed the war, but went anyway and died in Iraq on June 20, explained that many alternatives to combat were available, such as using money being spent for war to finance a grassroots Iraqi democracy movement that would rival the Baath regime, or promoting democracy throughout the Middle East to show people alternative forms of government.

"It is almost unimaginable to expect that this war is going to create a better peace for anybody with the exception of a very small percentage of people," John said.

In letters home, John described the peace movement as "awesome," and said he hoped it would grow larger, never relent against the Bush administration, and help bring an end to the war.

The church should not allow the acceptance of war to become a defining characteristic of the majority of its people, even though this world’s economic system may demand it. “Under capitalism, corporations that produce weapons make huge profits from these weapons of war and therefore are happy both to prepare for war and to engage in war. You prepare for war, you have all these government contracts, and make all this money, and you engage in war and you use up all these products and you have to replace them,” according to historian and war veteran Howard Zinn.

“War has always diminished our freedom,” says Zinn.

“When our freedom has expanded, it has not come as a result of war or of anything the government has done but as a result of what citizens have done. The best test of that is the history of black people in the United States, the history of slavery and segregation. It wasn't the government that initiated the movement against slavery but white and black abolitionists. It wasn't the government that initiated the battle against racial segregation in the 1950s and 1960s, but the movement of people in the South. It wasn't the government that gave the people the freedom to work eight hours a day instead of twelve hours a day. It was working people themselves who organized into unions, went out on strike, and faced the police. The government was on the other side; the government was always in support of the employers and the corporations.

The freedom of working people, the freedom of black people has always depended on the struggles of people themselves against the government. So, if we look at it historically, we certainly cannot depend on governments to maintain our liberties. We have to depend on our own organized efforts.”

The church should have nothing to do with the evil of this world, but instead we should expose it. We should give careful heed to the spiritual diagnosis of our Lord, “do you not know you are wretched and miserable and poor and blind and naked?” and repent. He who has an ear, let him hear what the Spirit says to the churches. (Revelation 3:17)

Whilst the world continues to live and die by the sword, believers in the grace of God should be salt and light, seeking creative, non-violent ways of bringing the love and reconciliation of the Prince of Peace to a lost world.
__________________________

James Patton graduated in Computer Science in 1991. Since then he has worked in the computing field for a number of years, and travelled around the world twice, visiting 35 countries en-route. At present he is studying The Politics of Jesus (by John Howard Yoder) and thinking long and hard about his Christian faith, particularly with respect to war.

His website is here: http://members.tripod.com/james_patton/

Also please see James' summary of John Howard Yoder's "Romans 13 and the Authority of the State".